Burkina Faso is the third West African country to experience a military coup in the past two years. Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Damiba ousted President Marc Roch Christian Kaboré amid widespread dissatisfaction with how he was running the country, particularly his handling of attacks by jihadists, who have killed some 7,500 people in the past seven years and effectively control much of the country’s north. Damiba, 41, formerly led anti-terrorist forces in the north and was promoted in December to commander of the military region that includes Ouagadougou and Fada N’Gourma. His coup in January set off celebrations in the country. The popular support for the recent coups seems to be a reflection of poor governance in West Africa. Ornella Moderan, and Clair MacDougall report.
The January 24 military coup that overthrew Burkina Faso’s president, Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, comes amid a deepening security crisis in the country. Both civilians and defense and security forces have long voiced their discontent, including with Kaboré’s political stewardship of it.
It was West Africa’s fourth successful coup in less than two years. Kaboré’s being deposed followed the ousters of Malian presidents Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta and Bah N’Daw, in August 2020 and May 2021 respectively, and that of Guinean president Alpha Condé last September.
The increasing coups reflect a major crisis in West Africa’s political systems, which aren’t meeting the people’s expectations and are plagued by corruption. They indicate a need to rethink democratic models – not just elections, but also the effectiveness of institutions that are supposed to protect and serve citizens.
“There is a profound disillusionment with the democratic system, and to some extent people see a ray of hope in the military,” says Fahiraman Rodrigue Koné, a researcher at the Institute for Security Studies, a regional think tank based in South Africa and Ethiopia.
“People believe that democratically elected elites have failed to meet their basic needs,” he adds, especially the need for protection against increasingly violent raids by the Islamist groups who have taken over wide swaths of northern Burkina Faso.
With Africa’s vast population of young people riding a social media wave of pan-Africanist and anti-European sentiment, some analysts believe that Burkina Faso’s will not be the last civilian government in the region to fall.
The security crisis
Burkina Faso’s latest coup was orchestrated by Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, who had been promoted to commander of one of the country’s three military regions in December.
Since 2015, the country has faced an unprecedented crisis. Attacks by jihadist insurgents are estimated to have killed more than 7,500 people and displaced more than 1.6 million. They have targeted civilians and government officials, especially the armed forces, which have suffered heavy losses. Teachers, civil servants and judicial staff are also being attacked, leading to the disuse of public services in conflict-affected areas.
In June 2021, an attack on the village of Solhan, not far from the Niger border, killed at least 132 people. It was one of the deadliest in the last six years, but wasn’t an isolated case. In 2021 alone, Burkina Faso recorded some 1,337 crisis-related violent incidents, with 2,294 casualties.
This happened despite Kaboré’s efforts to prioritize security. In January 2020, his government created the Volontaires pour la défense de la patrie, a corps of civilian auxiliaries mobilized to support the national defense and security forces. Most of its members come from former community militias. The government also more than doubled the national budget for defense and security efforts, from €240 million in 2016 to €650 million in 2021 (roughly US$260 million to $710 million).
Those investments haven’t improved the forces’ living conditions or operational capacity much, partly due to financial management problems. Rather, persistent equipment and supply problems have made them weaker, while jihadist groups grow stronger.
Last November, 53 police officers died in a terror attack on the Inata military post while they were waiting for logistical support and supplies, including food rations. The incident sent shock waves through the country, leading to calls for Kaboré’s resignation. The dismissal of Prime Minister Christophe Dabiré in early December initially eased tensions, but this was short-lived.
The Inata tragedy widened the gap between troops on the ground and the military and political hierarchies. But the distrust isn’t surprising or new – it is mutual and longstanding. It dates back to the fall of Blaise Compaoré in 2014 and the dissolution of his presidential security regiment, as well as the attempted counter-coup in September 2015. While the counter-coup was thwarted, it damaged political leaders’ confidence in the military.
Many Burkinabes were also frustrated with the political management of the Kaboré regime, which was regularly accused of corruption, laxity, and nepotism. Since 2017, polls have shown a steady decline in trust and satisfaction with the government. The Burkinabe people’s expectations were considerable after 27 years of rule by Compaoré, who also came to power in a coup.
Rumors of a coup resurfaced in late 2021 amid continued security and governance problems. If the arrest of Lieutenant-Colonel Emmanuel Zoungrana in early January was any indication, the threat was taken seriously. He was suspected of inciting the action.
The January 24 coup was at least the country’s fifth since it became independent in 1960, not counting the aborted attempt in September 2015 and the popular uprising in October 2014.
Jihadist attacks strain democracy
The path to stable democracy in the Sahel remains fraught.
On the one hand, jihadist violence is stretching the region’s fragile and flawed democracies to the breaking point. “Jihadist groups have exploited the limits of governments in West African countries, particularly when it comes to lack of access to justice and basic social goods,” says Koné, the political analyst.
Ironically, Western support for regional governments fighting Islamist insurgents may have highlighted those limits by undermining official accountability in West Africa’s fledgling democracies, says Anna Schmauder, a researcher with the Clingendael Institute in the Netherlands.
“Collaboration in the realm of counterterrorism… has been the prime focus and has effectively prevented accountability in the realm of human rights or anti- corruption and transparency,” she says.
On the other hand, military rulers have proved unwilling to hand back power easily. In Mali, the army recently announced a timetable that would postpone a return to civilian rule for four more years. The fear, says Corinne Dufka, Human Rights Watch’s West Africa director, is that this will become “the template.”
Meanwhile, regional organizations have been unable to preserve democracy. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has suspended Burkina Faso; imposed economic sanctions on Mali, and promised more unless the government held elections this year.
Such actions come too late, Koné complains about ECOWAS. “They are not proactive and don’t take enough initiative to prevent these situations from happening,” he says. “They only intervene at the worst moment, like firemen.”
Lt.-Col. Damiba, the coup leader, has been inaugurated as transitional president for three years. The coup set off celebrations in the country, and for now, the people see him as a military savior. He has approved a new government that includes Defense Minister General Barthelemy Simpore, who has retained the position he held under Kaboré. The transitional prime minister is economist Albert Ouedraogo.
Coups reflect political crisis
In the current regional context, though, the recent coup in Burkina Faso highlights the challenges of ineffective governments that fail to meet people’s expectations in terms of transparency and security. Together, the successful coups reflect a major crisis in West Africa’s political systems.
While military takeovers with unpredictable outcomes are multiplying in West Africa, the one in Burkina Faso carries high stakes. It could compound political and security problems in a region facing growing insecurity in the Sahel and the coastal states.
This new constitutional breach should urge ECOWAS to learn from Mali’s case by adopting a pragmatic and constructive approach.
With three military takeovers now on its hands, ECOWAS will have to go beyond the expected condemnations and initiate dialogue with Burkina Faso’s new leaders.
This dialogue should aim to establish a roadmap based on concrete objectives jointly agreed with the whole of Burkina Faso’s political class and civil society. The success of this approach will depend on the regional bloc’s ability to consider the unique national realities of the country – beyond posturing.